Nadav Na’aman, «Jebusites and Jabeshites in the Saul and David Story-Cycles», Vol. 95 (2014) 481-497
This article re-examines the historical role of the Jebusites in the early monarchical period. The Jebusites, whose name is derived from the verb YBŚ («to be dry»), were a West Semitic pastoral clan that split into two segments, one settling in western Gilead and the other around Jerusalem. The two segments kept their tribal solidarity, as indicated by Saul’s campaign to rescue Jabesh-gilead. The Jebusite stronghold was one of Saul’s power bases, and David took it over. The biased description of David’s conquest influenced the way the Jebusites were presented in the late (Deuteronomistic) biblical historiography and in Israelite cultural memory.
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488 NADAV NA’AMAN
Jebusite(s)” 30. The late author of Zechariah 9 considered the Je-
busites to be members of the Judahite society, similar to the other
clans of Judah 31.
The name Araunah appears in a number of different forms in 2
Samuel 24 and is certainly non-Semitic 32. However, it is impossible
to establish with certainty whether (a) the author deliberately selected
an archaic foreign name (in a way not dissimilar to that of the author
of Genesis 14) 33; (b) Araunah was a title rather than a personal name 34;
(c) the name “Jebusite” is a codified designation of some post-exilic
population group whose ancestor or leader was named Araunah 35; or
(d) the name reflects an old memory of a Jebusite ruler/noble who
lived in the city. In light of the late date of the story, I tend to dismiss
the last possibility and consider the other three potentially viable.
Hence, the foreign name Araunah should not serve as key for estab-
lishing the ethnic identity of the Jebusites in the early Iron Age 36.
Scholars have suggested a Jebusite origin for several figures men-
tioned in the David and Solomon story-cycles — namely, Zadok 37,
30
J. WELLHAUSEN, Die Kleinen Propheten übersetzt und erklärt (Berlin
4
1963) 188; W. NOWACK, Die Kleinen Propheten übersetzt und erklärt (HKAT;
Göttingen 1903) 389. For a slightly different translation, see D. BARTHÉLEMY,
Critique textuelle de l’Ancien Testament. Tome 3: Ézéchiel, Daniel et les 12
Prophètes (OBO 50/3; Fribourg – Göttingen 1992) 973-974.
31
M.J. BODA – M.H. FLOYD, Bringing Out the Treasure. Inner Biblical
Allusion in Zechariah 9–14 (London – New York 2004) 22.
32
For the ethnic affiliation of the name Araunah, see H.B. ROSÉN,
“Arawna — nom hittite?”, VT 5 (1955) 318-320; M. GERHARDS, “Arauna:
Zu einer möglichen Spur indoarischen Einflusses im vordavidischen
Jerusalem”, UF 40 (2008) 345-404, with earlier literature.
33
MATHYS, “Anmerkungen”, 242-245.
34
P.K. MCCARTER, II Samuel. A New Translation with Introduction, Notes
and Commentary (AB 9; Garden City, NY 1984) 512. The phenomenon of
foreign titles that are taken as personal names is well known. See N. NA’A-
MAN, “The Historical Background to the Conquest of Samaria”, Bib 71 (1990)
206-225, esp. 216-217, with earlier literature.
35
Thanks are due to an anonymous referee of Biblica who offered this
possible explanation.
36
Contra GERHARDS, “Arauna”, 345-357, with earlier literature in nn. 15-31.
37
H.H. ROWLEY, “Zadok and Nehushtan, JBL 58 (1939) 113-141; C.
HAUER, “Who was Zadok?”, JBL 82 (1963) 89-94; G.H. JONES, The Nathan
Narratives (JSOTS 80; Sheffield 1990) 131-135. For a critical discussion of
the theories suggested for Zadok’s provenance, see A. CODY, A History of Old
Testament Priesthood (AB 35; Rome 1969) 89-93.
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