Stephen H. Levinsohn, «Aspect and Prominence in the Synoptic Accounts of Jesus’ Entry into Jerusalem», Vol. 23 (2010) 161-174
Porter’s analysis of the prominence conveyed by the aorist, imperfect and present is contrasted with Longacre’s claims about the same tenseforms. Both are wrong in equating respectively “foreground” (Porter) and “background” (Longacre) with the imperfect. Relevance Theory claims that non-default forms may result in a variety of cognitive effects. This explains why imperfectives correlate with background, yet sometimes have foregrounding effects. Additional non-default forms and structures can also be accommodated, such as inchoative aorist "erxanto" and the combination of aorist "egeneto" and a temporal expression. Finally, a non-default form or structure may give prominence not to the event concerned, but to the following event(s).
Aspect and Prominence in the Synoptic Accounts of Jesus' Entry into Jerusalem 167
the depiction of attendant circumstances”21 of the main events, which is
an inherent part of the dictionary definition of background.
A key feature of the approach of both Porter and Longacre to the
prominence of different tense-forms is that they equate a particular
degree of prominence with individual tense-forms such as the imperfect.
This is at variance with the position of linguists such as Hopper22, Foley
and van Valin23 and many others24 who instead perceive “an inherent
correlation between perfective versus imperfective aspect and foreground
versus background”25.
Such a position allows us to concur with Porter that many imperfects
in Mark’s Gospel give prominence to the event concerned, without
requiring that every event described with the imperfect in Mark be
prominent. Equally, such a position allows us to concur with Longacre
and other linguists that, cross-linguistically, imperfectives in narratives
typically encode information of a background nature, without requiring
that every event described with the imperfect in Luke-Acts (say) be of a
background nature26.
If the relation between a specific tense-form and a particular degree of
prominence is not a one-to-one equation but a correlation, how are we to
know when the imperfect does convey prominence and when it does not?
The next section seeks to answer that question.
E) Marked forms and added implicatures
In his article on the English progressive (“be + V-ing”), Zegarač argues
for the need to distinguish between the “meaning” of the construction and
the different “overtones” that arise when it is used in certain contexts,
such as “mild reproof”, “insincerity” or “temporariness”27. Applying this
distinction to the imperfect in Greek, the “meaning” of the imperfect is
21
S. Wallace, “Figure and Ground: The Interrelationships of Linguistic Categories”, in
P. Hopper (ed.), Tense-Aspect: Between Semantics and Pragmatics (Amsterdam 1982) 208.
22
P.J. Hopper, “Aspect and foregrounding in discourse”, in T. Givón (ed.), Syntax and
Semantics 12: Discourse and Syntax (New York 1979) 215-16.
23
W.A. Foley and R. D. Van Valin, Functional Syntax and Universal Grammar (Cam-
bridge 1984) 373, 397.
24
See Fanning Contribution 11 footnote 50.
25
Levinsohn Self-Instruction §5.3.2.
26
For discussion of this point, see Levinsohn Self-Instruction §§5.3.1-2. See Fanning
Contribution 15 on the need to recognise both a backgrounding role for the imperfect and
a “frontgrounding” one.
27
V. Zegarač, “Relevance theory and the meaning of the English progressive”, Univer-
sity College London Working Papers in Linguistics 1 (1989) 20, 22.