Mark Leuchter, «Eisodus as Exodus: The Song of the Sea (Exod 15) Reconsidered.», Vol. 92 (2011) 321-346
This study continues a line of inquiry from the author’s previous essay regarding the 12th century BCE battle traditions embedded in the Song of Deborah (Judg 5) as the basis for a nascent Exodus ideology surfacing in the Song of the Sea (Exod 15). Exod 15 is identified as developing an agrarian ideal into a basis for national identity: Israel’s successful struggles against competing Canaanite military forces echoing earlier Egyptian imperial hegemony is liturgized into a myth where YHWH defeats the Egyptian foe and then settles his own sacred agrarian estate.
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EISODUS AS EXODUS: THE SONG OF THE SEA
tion of Deut 32 must have occurred at a time when these linguistic
changes were already entrenched in the poem. If we accept a similar
oral/cultic background to Exod 15, then the fact that its textual form
shows no later linguistic features — a completely unique feature in
the canon of biblical Hebrew poetry — can best be explained by the
fact that it was committed to text at an early point in time, i.e., before
later linguistic conventions could bleed into the normative form of the
poem through prolonged recitation.
There can be little doubt that Exod 15 continued to be recited
orally down to the 8th and 7th centuries; the fact that a later scribe in-
corporated it into the Exodus narrative indicates that it continued to
be well known in the scribe’s time and that its inclusion would im-
mediately command the attention of the scribe’s intended audience 33.
However, the linguistic features ossified in the canonical form of the
poem reveal that an antique version of this work was utilized by this
scribe. The scribe in question must have drawn from an archival tex-
tual source rather than a contemporaneous oral rendition, the latter
of which would have invariably included later linguistic forms from
the scribe’s own day 34. By contrast, the poem’s early textualization
33
This phenomenon is common to the incorporation of older poetry into
narrative contexts elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. J.W. WATTS, “Song and the
Ancient Readerâ€, Perspectives in Religious Studies 22 (1995) 146, puts the mat-
ter well when he remarks: “the inclusion of poetry within narrative expanded
the latter’s representational scope and, especially, its affective impact on hearers
and readersâ€. The literary logic governing the inclusion of poetry into prose
narrative changes over time, however. See S. WEITZMAN, Song and Story in
Biblical Narrative. The history of a literary convention in Ancient Israel
(Bloomington, IN 1997) for a full discussion.
34
On the matter of a textual archive available to the later – probably priestly
– scribe who shaped the Exodus account, see VAN DER TOORN, Scribal Culture,
63-65, 69-70, 86-89. Van der Toorn notes the centrality of temple archives and
temple-based scribal “workshops†where sacred texts were preserved and trans-
mitted over long periods of time in a variety of ancient loci, and there is no rea-
son to suppose that this was not also the case in Jerusalem. This would
especially be the case during the late pre-exilic period given the deep impact of
both Egyptian and Mesopotamian political culture on the state institutions of
Judah by that time. Carr, Tablet of the Heart, 168, is skeptical that texts produced
by temple scribes in the late pre-exilic period would have been taken with the
exiles to Babylon. However, if written works had obtained a ritual-iconic status
as argued recently by J.W. WATTS, Ritual and Rhetoric in Leviticus. From Sac-
rifice to Scripture (New York – Cambridge 2007) 193-214, then it is reasonable
to assume that some important written works were brought to Babylon by the