Mark Leuchter, «Eisodus as Exodus: The Song of the Sea (Exod 15) Reconsidered.», Vol. 92 (2011) 321-346
This study continues a line of inquiry from the author’s previous essay regarding the 12th century BCE battle traditions embedded in the Song of Deborah (Judg 5) as the basis for a nascent Exodus ideology surfacing in the Song of the Sea (Exod 15). Exod 15 is identified as developing an agrarian ideal into a basis for national identity: Israel’s successful struggles against competing Canaanite military forces echoing earlier Egyptian imperial hegemony is liturgized into a myth where YHWH defeats the Egyptian foe and then settles his own sacred agrarian estate.
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EISODUS AS EXODUS: THE SONG OF THE SEA
oped scribal caste, but a single skilled scribe or small circle of scribes
would still be capable of producing important texts, and we have
seen that resources for this were in place by the 10th century BCE 38.
The Mesha inscription of a century later is a potent witness to how
kings of small Semitic states behaved upon coming to power: one of
Mesha’s first acts as king is to secure a scribe who in turn produced
official texts to standardize a national ideology 39. The old lists of
royal officials from the reign of both David and Solomon (2 Sam
8,17; 20,25; 1 Kgs 4,3) show similar interest in securing scribal fig-
ures for purposes of prestige, political legitimacy and, no doubt, the
attaining of a numinous quality to royal imperatives and influence 40.
Second, the memory of David in 1-2 Samuel characterizes him
as a bard as much as a warrior. The two are, of course, not mutually
exclusive, especially given the fact that the ancient combat myth is
most forcefully expressed in poetic verse in both biblical and extra-
biblical contexts 41. An historiographer interested in presenting a
mythically-resonant image of David would thus be apt to connect
the founder of the dominant royal dynasty with traditions of litur-
gical poetry, song and performance 42. But from the mnemo-histor-
ical perspective, this also suggests that David’s reign was
remembered as a time when old poetic liturgies were an important
component of fledgling monarchic self-understanding 43. The tradi-
tion regarding David’s decision to have an official lament “taughtâ€
38
See also CARR, Tablet of the Heart, 131, 163.
39
See the discussion by SCHNIEDEWIND, How the Bible Became a Book, 41.
40
On the numinous character of writing, especially within a pre- or non-
literate culture, see SCHNIEDEWIND, How the Bible Became a Book, 24-34.
41
See e.g. the discussion by P.D. MILLER, The Divine Warrior in Early Is-
rael (HSM 5; Cambridge, MA 1973) passim; the Ugaritic Baal cycle, etc.
42
The mythic and ritualistic dimension of David’s association with liturgi-
cal performance – both song and dance – receives thorough consideration by
C.L. SEOW, Myth, Drama and the Politics of David’s Dance (HSM 44; Atlanta,
GA 1989). This association is clearly remembered by the Chronicler, who does
not hesitate to present David as a prophet engaged in the recitation of a peni-
tential prayer. See E. BEN ZVI, “Who Knew What? The Construction of the
Monarchic Past in Chronicles and its Implication for the Intellectual Setting of
Chroniclesâ€, Judah and Judeans in the Persian Period (eds. O. LIPSCHITS –
G.N. KNOPPERS – R. ALBERTZ) (Winona Lake, IN 2007) 349-354.
43
On mnemo-historical approaches to the study of biblical narrative, see
R.S. HENDEL, “The Exodus in Biblical Memoryâ€, JBL 120 (2001) 601-622;
D.L. FLEMING, “Mari and the Possibilities of Biblical Memoryâ€, RA 92
(1998) 44-78.