Peter Dubovský, «Assyrian downfall through Isaiah’s eyes (2 Kings 15–23): the historiography of representation», Vol. 89 (2008) 1-16
In this article I compared Assyrian expansion as presented in the Bible with that presented in the Assyrian sources. Then I pointed out the problems of the historical events presented in the Bible. Combining these problems with the results of source-criticism I argued that the biblical 'distortion' of the historical events was intentional. The writers probably did it to offer their interpretation of the downfall of Assyria. This presentation and organization of the events can be explained in terms of the historiography of representation. By applying this concept it is possible to explain several textual and historical problems of these chapters.
Assyrian downfall through Isaiah’s eyes (2 Kings 15–23) 7
what was right in the sight of the Lord†(2 Kgs 18,3). 2 Kgs 18,9-12
summarize chapter 17 and the narrative continues with another
annalistic section reporting Sennacherib’s invasion and Hezekiah’s
submission (2 Kgs 18,13-16). The syntax of 2 Kgs 18,1-16 is simple.
The narration is developed by means of waw-consecutive forms and
the number of heroes is kept as low as possible. The style abruptly
changes in 2 Kgs 18,17. Six new heroes — three representatives of
Judah and three representatives of Assyria — appear on the scene (2
Kgs 18,17). Moreover, the Jerusalemites sitting on the city walls
appear in 2 Kgs 18,26-27 as well as the prophet Isaiah 2 Kgs 19,2. The
rhetoric changes as well. The dry annalistic style of 2 Kgs 18,1-16
gives place to a sophisticated rhetoric full of direct discourses, prayers,
and prophecies in 2 Kgs 18,17-19,31. Numerous rhetorical figures (17)
draw the readers into the plot and make them experience the plight of
the Jerusalemites under Assyrian siege. Scholars generally agree (18)
that the change of style in 2 Kgs 18,17 is the result of the combination
of different sources, A (annalistic) and B (discursive) (19). By doing
this, the biblical writers gave Hezekiah’s encounter with Sennacherib
weight that cannot be justified from extrabiblical sources.
The meaning of this biblical emphasis should be seen in the context
of the rules characterizing Assyrian control of the subjugated
kingdoms (20) — the Assyrians rewarded loyal kings and punished
disloyal ones. According to these rules Hezekiah’s rebellion against
Assyria rightly triggered the Assyrian punitive campaign. Hezekiah,
seeing the destruction of Judah, recognized “his sin†and paid the
tribute (2 Kgs 18,13-16). Following the rules of Assyrian international
policy, Hezekiah’s tribute should have been sufficient to pay off his sin
(cf. 2 Kgs 15,20). However, Sennacherib after having accepted
Hezekiah’s tribute did not return to Assyria as one could expect but
(17) P. DUBOVSK´ , Hezekiah and the Assyrian Spies. Reconstruction of the
Y
Neo-Assyrian Intelligence Services and Its Significance for 2 Kings 18-19 (BibOr
49; Rome 2006) 10-26.
(18) For a review of present scholarly opinions see MACHINIST, “The Rab
Ï€aqehâ€, 154.
(19) COGAN, II Kings, 242-244. The best example suggesting that the
combination of sources A and B into one account was intentional is the use of the
geographical term Lachish. Hezekiah sent his messengers to Lachish to negotiate
the conditions of his surrender (18,14) and Sennacherib sent his messengers from
Lachish to negotiate the surrender of Jerusalem (18,17). See also the verb bwv used
in both sources (A: 18,14; B: 19,7.33.36).
(20) M. COGAN, “Judah under Assyrian Hegemony: A Reexamination of
Imperialism and Religionâ€, JBL 112 (1993) 404-414.