Mark Leuchter, «Jeremiah’s 70-Year Prophecy and the ymq bl/K##Atbash Codes», Vol. 85 (2004) 503-522
Jeremiah’s famous 70-year prophecy (Jer 25,11-12; 29,10) and
the atbash codes (Jer 25,26; 51,1.41) have been the subject of much
scholarly discussion, with no consensus as to their provenance or meaning. An
important inscription from the reign of Esarhaddon suggests that they be viewed
as inter-related rhetorical devices. The Esarhaddon inscription, written in
relation to that king’s extensive building program in Babylon, contains both a
70-year decree and the Akkadian Cuneiform parallel to the Hebrew Alphabetic
atbash codes, claiming that the god Marduk had inverted the 70-year decree,
thus allowing Esarhaddon to rebuild the city. This inscription was likely well
known to the members of the Josianic court and the elite of Judean society who
were carried off to Babylon in 597 B.C.E. This suggests that Jeremiah’s 70-Year
prophecy and the atbash codes were employed to direct the prophet’s
audience to the Esarhaddon inscription and its implications with respect to
Babylonian hegemony as a matter of divine will.
512 Mark Leuchter
c) The Josianic redaction of the Hezekiah narrative (2 Kgs 18–19)
presents Sennacherib’s murder not as the result of his devastation of
sacred Babylon but as the result of his campaign against sacred
Jerusalem (30).
d) The Deuteronomic text generated by Josiah’s scribes relies
heavily upon the forms in the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon (VTE),
and the role of local Levites divested of autonomous cultic authority in
the Deuteronomic reconceptualization of jurisprudence (Deut
16,18–18,22) appears to be pattered on neo-Assyrian administrative
policies (31).
e) The Josianic embrace of northern Mosaic-prophetic tradition in
the attempt to regain control of the former northern kingdom of Israel
(found throughout the Deuteronomic and Deuteronomistic literature)
(30) On the murder of Sennacherib as a theological response to his
devastation of Babylon (and its relationship to the Biblical account of his death
and the succession of Esarhaddon in 2 Kgs 19,37, which follows the form in
which the death and succession of Israelite kings is typically reported) see W.W.
HALLO, “The Death of Kings: Traditional Historiography in Contextual
Perspectiveâ€, Ah, Assyria… Studies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near
Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor (eds. M. COGAN – I.
EPH’AL) (Jerusalem 1991) 148-165, esp. 162-163; COGAN – TADMOR, II Kings,
244. The fragmentary text known as “The Sin of Sargon†further implies that
Sennacherib’s devastation of Babylon led to his violent demise; see H. TADMOR,
“The Sin of Sargonâ€, Eretz Israel 5 (1958) 93, 150-163 (I am indebted to Grant
Frame at the University of Toronto Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia project
for bringing this text to my attention).
(31) On the formal similarities between VTE and the Deuteronomic texts, see
WEINFELD, Deuteronomy, 82-138. For a Neo-Assyrian model for the Deutero-
nomic passage, see J. PEC ÃRKOVÃ, “The Administrative Methods of Assyrian
ˇ
Imperialismâ€, ArchÃv Orientálnà 55 (1987) 162-175. That the magistrate in the
city gate (˚y[rç lkb in Deut 16,18) is to be identified with a local Levite is
suggested by the note in Deut 18,6 that the Levite en route to central sanctuary [in
Jerusalem] comes from “one of your gates†(˚y[rç djam). The common
phraseology within the same rhetorical unit (Deut 16,18–18,22) points to a
semantic equivalency between the passages under consideration. That the
Josianic scribes envisioned the local Levites – now divested of cultic autonomy –
as agents of the Jerusalem administration is suggested by the dialectic juridical
process of 17,8-13, which not only provides the local Levites with empowerment
after divesting them of cultic autonomy, but also occupies a literary position
mediating between 16,18 and 18,6. The sequence of these passages suggests that
the position of the local Levite is central to understanding the surrounding
material. For the significance of literary sequencing in the pericope of Deut
16,18–18,22, see B.M. LEVINSON, Deuteronomy and the Heremeneutics of Legal
Innovation (New York/Oxford 1997) 109-137.