Mark Leuchter, «Jeremiah’s 70-Year Prophecy and the ymq bl/K##Atbash Codes», Vol. 85 (2004) 503-522
Jeremiah’s famous 70-year prophecy (Jer 25,11-12; 29,10) and
the atbash codes (Jer 25,26; 51,1.41) have been the subject of much
scholarly discussion, with no consensus as to their provenance or meaning. An
important inscription from the reign of Esarhaddon suggests that they be viewed
as inter-related rhetorical devices. The Esarhaddon inscription, written in
relation to that king’s extensive building program in Babylon, contains both a
70-year decree and the Akkadian Cuneiform parallel to the Hebrew Alphabetic
atbash codes, claiming that the god Marduk had inverted the 70-year decree,
thus allowing Esarhaddon to rebuild the city. This inscription was likely well
known to the members of the Josianic court and the elite of Judean society who
were carried off to Babylon in 597 B.C.E. This suggests that Jeremiah’s 70-Year
prophecy and the atbash codes were employed to direct the prophet’s
audience to the Esarhaddon inscription and its implications with respect to
Babylonian hegemony as a matter of divine will.
516 Mark Leuchter
Assyria served as the prototypical enemy of Israel (47). The tropes of
important Assyrian documents dominated the literature of the Josianic
court and emerged as a major theme in Jeremiah’s earlier oracles;
Assyrian terminology and imagery had become a genetic feature of
Israelite sacral discourse. That a substantial contingent of the Urrolle
audience comprised the deportees of 597 increases the likelihood that
they would recognize Jeremiah’s Esarhaddon reference. Indeed, they
would more likely adhere to Jeremiah’s message because it involved
Assyriological rhetoric, binding the current Jeremianic text to earlier
and recognized sacred Judean literature from late 7th century.
5. The Political Sentiments of the Judean Deportees of 597
The initial response to the exile among these deportees would not
have been one of unilateral complacency. The Josianic reform
program was motivated by a spirit of independence and a desire to
reclaim the glories of the past associated with David’s reign (48), and
despite Josiah’s death and the influence of Egypt upon the
administration of Jehoiakim, it appears that a substantial number of
people in the royal court believed in a degree of Jerusalem-centricity
and the inviolability of the Davidic covenant (49). The battle of
Carchemish in 605 revealed to Jeremiah that political autonomy was a
delusion, though it is clear that the Judean royal court was divided on
this issue (50). The deportees of 597 would have included people
sympathetic to Jeremiah’s message but also those who held out for an
imminent restoration to Jerusalem, holding onto notions of the
Josianic concept of covenant to see them through their [temporary]
circumstances.
Thus within the collection of Jer 29 we encounter the adaptation of
the Deuteronomic laws (Jer 29,5-7; cf. Deut 20,5-10) (51), redeployed
(47) See P. MACHINIST, “The Rab âˆËqˇh at the Wall of Jerusalem: Israelite
Identity in the Face of the Assyrian ‘Other’â€, Hebrew Studies 41 (2000) 163-166.
(48) SWEENEY, King Josiah, 173-174.
(49) Jer 7,1-15 provides a famous argument to the contrary, and the criticism
of Jehoiakim in Jer 22,13-26 creates a condemnatory association between that
king and Solomon (LEUCHTER, Jeremiah, 213-215).
(50) Compare, e.g., the scribes in Jer 36,16 to other members of the royal
administration in Jer 36,24.
(51) A. BERLIN, “Jeremiah 29,5-7: A Deuteronomic Allusionâ€, HAR 8 (1984)
3-11. BERLIN’s article demonstrates the reliance of the Jeremianic passage upon
that of Deuteronomy, pointing to the adaptation of the laws of warfare therein as
a counsel against potential rebellion fomenting among the deportees of 597.