Mark Leuchter, «Jeremiah’s 70-Year Prophecy and the ymq bl/K##Atbash Codes», Vol. 85 (2004) 503-522
Jeremiah’s famous 70-year prophecy (Jer 25,11-12; 29,10) and
the atbash codes (Jer 25,26; 51,1.41) have been the subject of much
scholarly discussion, with no consensus as to their provenance or meaning. An
important inscription from the reign of Esarhaddon suggests that they be viewed
as inter-related rhetorical devices. The Esarhaddon inscription, written in
relation to that king’s extensive building program in Babylon, contains both a
70-year decree and the Akkadian Cuneiform parallel to the Hebrew Alphabetic
atbash codes, claiming that the god Marduk had inverted the 70-year decree,
thus allowing Esarhaddon to rebuild the city. This inscription was likely well
known to the members of the Josianic court and the elite of Judean society who
were carried off to Babylon in 597 B.C.E. This suggests that Jeremiah’s 70-Year
prophecy and the atbash codes were employed to direct the prophet’s
audience to the Esarhaddon inscription and its implications with respect to
Babylonian hegemony as a matter of divine will.
Jeremiah’s 70-Year Prophecy 521
for their appearance in Jer 25,11-12.26 (62), part of a chapter widely
recognized as resulting from successive stages of redaction marking
the expansion of the Jeremianic corpus during the period of the
exile (63). The Jeremianic tradition, which had long recognized the rise
of Babylon as reflecting YHWH’s will, was vindicated and became
the normative theology of the pre and post 587 exilic community in
Babylon (64). The internal reliance upon Jeremianic decrees within the
growing Book of Jeremiah may have contributed to the development
of a closed system of Biblical Scripture, looking within itself for its
inspirational tropes and adapting them as history demanded (65).
Hebrew College Mark LEUCHTER
Newton MA 02459 USA
(62) One must consider the reason for two atbash codes, separated by a
relatively lengthy expanse of text, in Jer 51. Following the model of the
Esarhaddon inscription, we should expect to find only one atbash instance in the
chapters closing the 597 collection. Though a detailed study of the matter goes
beyond the scope of this examination, I would tentatively suggest that the dual
atbash terms may relate to purposes of clarification. There existed in Babylon an
actual region known as âˆeÏ€ak (see E.W. NICHOLSON, Jeremiah 26–52 [Cambridge
1975] 222-223); Jeremiah’s use of the ˚çç code may have originated as a double
entendre (a device used in other Jeremianic passages), with the intention of
functioning both as a reference to the region and as an atbash cipher. The
appearance of ymq bl at the outset of Jer 51 may have helped to reinforce the
implied meaning of ˚çç later in the chapter, directing the audience’s attention
once again to the inversion of the Esarhaddon inscription that motivated the
prophet’s discourse.
(63) AEJMELAEUS, “Turning Pointâ€, 468, though the redactional features
evident in vv. 1-13 may be attributed to the prophet himself (following LUNDBOM,
“Baruch, Seraiahâ€, 103-104).
(64) The post-exilic preoccupation with Jeremiah’s 70-year prophecy —
which is invoked in every case to demonstrate that its words were fulfilled and
that the Persian epoch signaled the need for ideological advances — points to the
paramount position of the extant Jeremianic corpus within Israel’s exilic
theology. PECKHAM, History and Prophecy, 741, 750-755, notes that the very
form of Haggai’s writing consciously mirrors that of Jeremiah for precisely this
purpose.
(65) See most recently M. FLOYD, “The açm (Ma¢¢a) as a Type of Prophetic
Bookâ€, JBL 121(2002) 401-422; SOMMER, A Prophet Reads Scripture; B.
HALPERN, “The New Names in Isaiah 62,4: Jeremiah’s Reception if the Restora-
tion and the Politics of Third Isaiahâ€, JBL 117 (1998) 623-643.