Trent Rogers, «A Syntactical Analysis of 'oun' in Papyrus 66.», Vol. 25 (2012) 75-99
Greek particles are often overlooked in the interpretation and translation of ancient texts, but a better understanding of their syntactical functions aids in understanding the relationships among clauses and results in a better understanding of the texts’ meanings. This article examines the use of oun in Papyrus 66, provides examples and explanations of the different uses, and categorizes every occurrence in the Gospel of John. It clarifies established uses and paves new ground by locating the comparative use. Moreover, it notices a dialogical pattern wherein lego + oun serves as an alternative to apokrinomai (kai lego), and in this pattern, asyndeton with lego may convey increased markedness.
98 Trent A. Rogers
Compared with ten or so verses on either side of this insertion, the sty-
listic difference becomes apparent. The thirteen preceding verses contain
4 occurrences of οὖν, three of which are continuative (7:40, 45, 47) with
one being inferential (7:43). A similar distribution occurs in the nine
subsequent verses with three continuative uses of οὖν (8:12, 13, 19), and
the concentration is even more dense in the next nine verses—five times
with an additional attestation in the apparatus of NA27.
Second, of the roughly 200 (depending on which manuscripts one
maintains) occurrences of οὖν in John, only five occur in an interroga-
tive clause which statistic alerts us to the imbalance of usage in this brief
passage. Although there are few occurrences, the form of interrogative
indicator + οὖν is consistent in the Gospel: τί οὖν (1:21, 25), πόθεν οὖν
(4:11), πῶς οὖν (9:19). John 8:5 contains οὖν + interrogative pronoun
with an altered word order: σὺ οὖν τί λέγεις. The interrogative pronoun
follows οὖν. This word order is not entirely out of keeping with usage in
Hellenistic Greek and John has too few occurrences to argue for a definite
pattern, but this “deviation” does further support the notion that there
is syntactical distinction between this unit and the Gospel. Again the
absence of the more common, continuative form is suspect.
Third, even a casual glance at the Greek of 7:53-8:11 betrays a syn-
tactical difference as the primary conjunction in this section is δέ. The
uses of δέ here are almost indistinguishable from what we might expect
οὖν to do. It continues the narrative and indicates switching of speakers.
We expect a reliance on δέ to occur in the discourse material, but not in
narrative and dialogue. Moreover, there is an avoidance in this section of
abrupt and unsignaled changes of subject and speaker, asyndeton with
which John is comfortable. For example, on either side of this section, the
Gospel has dialogical response without a particle indicating a speaker
change: 7:46, 50, 52, 8:14, 19, 20. With the exception of 8:8 that contains
καὶ πάλιν, every main clause in 7:53-8:11 contains a postpositive δέ. In
addition to the underuse of οὖν, the overuse of δέ alerts us to a differ-
ent syntactical style. While these internal syntactical arguments do not
definitively preclude the originality of this text, when coupled with the
textual record, it is extremely unlikely that this section is original.
V. Conclusion
This article analyzed the text of P66, with comparison to a, A, B,
and D, to determine the syntactical relationships conveyed by οὖν in
John’s Gospel. This method has the distinct advantage of working with
actual texts that can demonstrate the syntactical preferences of particu-