Paul Foster, «Is Q a 'Jewish Christian' Document?», Vol. 94 (2013) 368-394
Recent research has generated different hypotheses concerning the social location of Q. This discussion commences with an examination of scholarship on the phenomenon of 'Jewish Christianity' and theories concerning the social location of Q. Next, meta-level questions are addressed, concerning how social location is determined from a text. The discussion then considers four areas mentioned in Q that might be of potential significance for determining social location. These are references to synagogues, the law, Gentiles, and unbelieving Israel. In conclusion, the inclusive perspectives may suggest that the document had a more positive attitude toward Gentiles than is often stated.
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370 PAUL FOSTER
of Jewish Christians. Obviously there are numerous points at which
Streeter’s reconstruction of the purpose of Q and the evolution of the
early Jesus movement can be questioned. In part, his understanding
of Q arises in parallel to his characterizing of the M source, which he
viewed as stemming from Jewish Christian circles. Thus the M source
was seen as being “Judaisticâ€, originating in Jerusalem and composed
around A.D. 60 8. Significantly, according to Streeter, M does not rep-
resent a primitive Jewish Christian strand of tradition, but “a later Ju-
daistic reaction against the Petro-Pauline liberalism in the matter of
the Gentile mission and the observance of the Law†9. From this per-
spective Jewish Christianity was seen as being in direct tension with
the type of pro-Gentile Christianity advocated by Q.
Manson advocated even more strongly the view that there had been
an earlier Aramaic recension of Q which agreed with Papias’ state-
ments about the logia. In regard to the Greek form of Q his position
was basically a restatement of Streeter’s position 10. Manson then con-
tinued by cataloguing pro-Gentile elements in Q. It is significant to
note that since Manson’s day scholars have largely given up attemps
to defend or develop the theory of an earlier Aramaic form of Q. How-
ever, the implications of this are not always recognized, especially the
tension created by the theory of an original Greek composition and
the hypothesis that Q was compiled in Lower Galilee by an isolated
Jewish community.
After Manson, while the reconstruction of Q and discussions
about its theological profile continued to interest anglophone schol-
ars, the situation was markedly different in German scholarship. Al-
though the investigation of gospel sources and the formulation of the
Q hypothesis had its origins with Weisse and Holtzmann, and re-
mained prominent until the time of Harnack 11, there were important
paradigm shifts in gospel studies in Germany that led to the virtual
disappearance of scholarship on Q in that context for several decades.
For an up to date discussion on the M source see P. FOSTER, “The M
8
Source: Its History and Demise in Biblical Scholarshipâ€, New Studies in the
Synoptic Problem (eds. P. FOSTER – A. GREGORY – J. KLOPPENBORG – J. VER-
HEYDEN) (Leuven 2011) 591-616.
STREETER, The Four Gospels, 512.
9
T.W. MANSON, The Sayings of Jesus (London 1949) 20.
10
A. VON HARNACK, Sprüche und Reden Jesu. Die zweite Quelle des Matthäus
11
und Lukas (Beiträge zur Einleitung in das Neue Testament 2; Leipzig 1907).
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