Coding in the OT is plausible because of the Exile’s profusion of scripture, the Diaspora’s need for secure communication, and the ancient world’s widespread use of cryptography. A code exists in Num 6,24-26 that uses one letter per text word, from words spaced at regular intervals, with letters used in any sequence. Coding of Jehoiachin’s name in the MT’s Priestly Benediction establishes the mid-sixth century B.C.E. as the earliest possible time for the Ketef Hinnom amulets. Moreover, since the Ketef Hinnom scribe appears to have understood nothing of the benediction’s Jehoiachin coding, the amulets could be considerably later than mid-sixth century.
Luke’s account about Paul’s stay in Ephesos (Acts 19) is well known for its strong local colour, two elements of which are studied in this contribution: the asiarchs (19,31) and the title newko/roj (temple-warden) for Ephesos (19,35). The appearance of asiarchs in Acts questions the view that the asiarchs were the highpriests of the provincial imperial cult. Acts 19,35 contributes to the discussion about city-titles in the 1st-3rd centuries CE. In both instances, Acts is a source not so much for the narrated time of Paul, but rather for Luke’s own time, and as such of interest for both exegetes and historians.
The note suggests that Heb 2,9 means that Jesus died physically so that he could die in the gaze of those who believe in him and thus be freed from the fear of death (2,15). It also suggests that Heb 2,8b-9 is a subsection about Jesus as the heavenly sacrificial victim and corresponds to Heb 2,14-16 which is about Jesus the earthly sacrificial victim. Heb 2,10-12 in turn is a subsection about Jesus as heavenly high priest and corresponds to Heb 2,17-18 which is about Jesus as earthly high priest.
This analysis considers aniconic rhetoric in Hosea, Second Isaiah, and Ezekiel, in order to assess commonality and difference with respect to prophetic and priestly perspectives of the divine image because interpreters draw on the prophetic literature in discussions of the thought of Gen 1,26-27. There is greater similarity in thought between Second Isaiah and Gen 1,26-27 as well as greater tension between Ezekiel and the first imago Dei passage than accounted for previously, and almost no commonality with Hosea. Furthermore, the prophets diversify the number and type of divine images as a means to resist idolatry.
The question of the continuity of the non-priestly narrative from the patriarchs to the exodus has been the center of much debate in recent pentateuchal scholarship. This paper presents as fully as possible, in the space allowed, one side of the argument, namely, that the non-priestly narrative is indeed continuous from Genesis through Exodus. Both methodological and textual arguments are brought in support of this claim, as well as some critiques of the alternative theory.
This article is about the problematic identity of Malky-sedeq, in relation to his 'adherents' (qdc yklm lrwn) and YHWH. The method adopted analyzes the 11QMelch text, considered one of the most important Qumran MSS that mentions the figure of an 'anointed' person, the biblical passages cited in the same MS and a few other MSS from Qumran. In the eschatological jubilee Malky-sedeq, 'anointed' by a divine decree, performs the duties of a prophet-herald, a priest and a king for the benefit of his 'adherents' (lrwn), and proclaims freedom through the expiation of sins and the defeat of the 'adherents of Belial' (l(ylb lrwn).
The phrase )ec e(no/j in Heb 2,11 is a standard crux. The article attempts to come to grips with it through a close reading of the text of Heb 2,8bc-18. This close reading leads to the conclusion that the 'one' mentioned in is the spiritual seed of Abraham composed of all those who, like Abraham exercise faith-trust in God in the face of death. But this spiritual seed of Abraham is modified by the faith-trust of Jesus brought to the perfection of his heavenly priesthood.
The originality of the Epistle to the Hebrews among the texts of the New Testament is a well established conviction. What this originality consists in, where it lies and how it manifests itself remain to be analysed. This article purposes to show that such a widespread and decisive notion for the Christian message as «hope» evinces particular traits in this epistle. Their presence is best understood by their relationship with Christology and, especially, with the theme of the celestial priesthood of the Son.
In an attempt to go beyond conventional sociological and anthropological analyses of the religious aspect of the Qumranite sectarian corpus, this article considers the reuse of the Priestly Blessing (PB) of Numbers 6 in the Community
Rule (1QS). Comparison of how curses were applied elsewhere in Second Temple Judaism informs reflections on what this imaginative redeployment of the PB tells us of the ideology and self-identity of the Qumran group, highlighting their
reconfiguration and exclusive appropriation of the covenants with Israel.