Mark Leuchter, «Inter-Levitical Polemics in the late 6th century BCE: The Evidence from Nehemiah 9», Vol. 95 (2014) 269-279
The Levitical prayer in Nehemiah 9 contributes to the gola-ideology running throughout Ezra-Nehemiah, but scholars have generally recognized that its compositional origins are to be connected to the Homeland communities of the exilic or early Persian periods. The present study identifies features in the prayer which suggest that its authors were Levites associated with the Homeland communities and that these authors crafted the prayer in response to the exclusive and elitist ideology of the gola groups. The prayer testifies to tensions within Levite circles well into the Persian period and possibly even beyond.
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277 INTER-LEVITICAL POLEMICS 277
land to which they were sent 38. The same chapter carries indications of
what obtains in Jeremiah 24, the vision of the good and bad figs which
makes abundantly clear that the homeland groups were unworthy of divine
patronage, while the gola group received divine favor 39. In addition, Ezekiel
seems to have developed a pro-gola ideology already before the fall of
Jerusalem, which persists in subsequent oracles conceived shortly after the
city’s destruction and the resulting waves of migration to the east 40.
Thus well before the geographical separation between Levites on ei-
ther side of this divide, foundations for the gola ideology were already
laid by authoritative prophets working before the end of the monarchy.
That a large corpus of Jeremianic material developed in Babylon is cred-
ited (at least symbolically) to Baruch ― who is last reported to be in
Egypt (Jeremiah 43) ― is suggestive of interchange throughout the region
during the exilic period 41. If this is the case, it is likely that homeland Ju-
dahites were aware of the growing exclusivist rhetoric developing among
their former countrymen now residing in Babylon. This is especially the
case if, as per Lipschits’ observations, the majority of the homeland pop-
ulation lived in a territory proximate to the administrative center at Miz-
pah, where reports from the heart of the empire would have circulated 42.
The composition of Nehemiah 9 should be viewed against this social and
historical backdrop. Its contents establish a discourse that counters the
proposed privilege of returning exiles by tapping into motifs predating
― and thus trumping ― the captivity and displacement wrought by Baby-
lon on both groups.
38
M. LEUCHTER, “Personal Missives and National History: The
Relationship between Jeremiah 29 and 36”, Prophets, Prophecy and Ancient
Israelite Historiography (eds. M.J. BODA – L.M. WRAY-BEAL) (Winona Lake,
IN 2013) 275-293.
39
Jeremiah 24 may be a Persian period composition; see D. ROM-SHILONI,
“Group Identities in Jeremiah: Is it the Persian Period Conflict?” A
Palimpsest. Rhetoric, Ideology, Stylistics and Language Relating to Persian
Israel (eds. E. BEN ZVI – D.V. EDELMAN – F. POLAK) (Piscataway, NJ 2009)
17-21. However, it develops ideas already associated with the prophet’s
teachings as suggested by the shared motif in Jeremiah 29.
40
D. ROM SHILONI, “Ezekiel as the Voice of the Exiles and Constructor of
Exilic Ideology”, HUCA 76 (2005) 1-45. See also BLENKINSOPP, Judaism,
125-159.
41
J.R. LUNDBOM has noted a Babylonian military incursion into Egypt ca.
582 BCE as discussed by Josephus (Jeremiah 37–52 [AB 21C; New York
2004] 208, 215), which points to an administrative/communicative network
in advance of the campaign and no doubt following it as well.
42
LIPSCHITS, Fall and Rise of Jerusalem, 109-112, 258-271.