Nadav Na’aman, «The Israelite-Judahite Struggle for the Patrimony of Ancient Israel», Vol. 91 (2010) 1-23
The article addresses the controversial issue of the formation of "biblical Israel" in biblical historiography. It begins by presenting the political-cultural struggle between Assyria and Babylonia in the second and first millennia BCE, in part over
the question of ownership of the cultural patrimony of ancient Mesopotamia. It goes on to examine relations between Judah and Israel and compares them to those between Assyria and Babylonia. It then suggests that the adoption of the Israelite
identity by Judah, which took place during the reign of Josiah as part in his cultic reform, was motivated by the desire to take possession of the highly prestigious heritage of Israel, which had remained vacant since that kingdom’s annexation by
Assyria in 720 BCE.
11
THE ISRAELITE-JUDAHITE STRUGGLE
With the re-emergence of Assyria as the leading Mesopotamian
power in the early part of the first millennium BCE, Babylon’s
continued supremacy in Mesopotamian cult and culture once again
became increasingly unbearable for the Assyrians. The religious
stature of Ashur, the Assyrian national god, was not yet
commensurate with Assyria’s political dominance in the region, nor
was Esharra, his principal temple in the city of Ashur, yet elevated
to a status worthy of a seat of the chief imperial deity.
It is against this backdrop that Sennacherib’s religious reforms
must be interpreted. These have been widely discussed elsewhere 29,
and require only a brief summary:
A) Sennacherib destroyed the city of Babylon and removed its
ashes and the statue of Marduk to Ashur, the Assyrian religious-
cultural capital. There he built a temple (bıt akıtu) outside the city, in
¯¯
which he deposited the ashes from the devastated city. In this
manner, he tried to refute the Babylonian claim that the axis mundi
resided in Marduk’s temple of Esagil, and shifted it to Ashur, making
it the new “axis of the worldâ€, and seat of the king of the gods 30.
H. ZIMMERN, “Marduks (Ellils, Assurs) Geburt im babylonischen
29
We l t s c h ö p f u n g s e p o s †, MVAG 2 1 ( 1 9 1 7 ) 213-225 ; H. T A D M O R –
B. LANDSBERGER – S. PARPOLA, “The Sin of Sargon and Sennacherib’s Last
Will â€, SAAB 3 (1989) 25-51; P. MACHINIST, “The Assyriansâ€, 353-364;
H. TADMOR, “Monarchy and the Elite in Assyria and Babylonia: The Question
of Royal Accountabilityâ€, The Origin and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations
(ed. S.N. EISENSTADT) (Albany, GA 1986) 203-224; A. LIVINGSTONE, Mystical
and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars
(Oxford 1986) 205-235; A.R. GEORGE, “Sennacherib and the Tablet of
Destinies â€, Iraq 48 (1986) 133-146; W.G. LAMBERT, “The Assyrian Recension
of Enuma Elis â€, Assyrien im Wandel der Zeiten (ed. H. WAETZOLDT –
¯ ˇ
H. HAUPTMANN) (Heidelberg 1997) 77-79; E. FRAHM, Einleitung in die
Sanherib-Inschriften (AfO Beiheft 26; Horn 1997) 220-227, 282-288; idem,
“ Sanherib und die Tempel von Kuyunjikâ€, Tikip santaki mala basmu. ˇ
Festschrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag (ed. S.M. MAUL)
(Groningen 1998) 114-117; G.W. VERA CHAMAZA, Die Omnipotenz Assurs. ˇˇ
Entwicklungen in der Assur-Theologie unter den Sargoniden Sargon II.,
ˇˇ
Sanherib und Asarhaddon (AOAT 295 ; Münster 2002) 111-167; N. NA’AMAN,
“ The King Leading Cult Reforms in his Kingdom: Josiah and Other Kings in
the Ancient Near Eastâ€, ZAR 12 (2006) 155-158.
D.D. LUCKENBILL, Annals of Sennacherib (Chicago, IL 1924) 136-139
30
lines 22-35, 44-57; E. EBELING, Stiftungen und Vorschriften für assyrische
Tempel (Berlin 1954) 3-5; FRAHM, Einleitung 173-174 ; L. KATAJA –
R. WHITING, Grants, Decrees and Gifts of the Neo-Assyrian Period (SAA XII ;